India has always said that it would want to see Russia become more active in the Indian Ocean Region (IOR) in order to promote regional unity and offset China’s geopolitical aspirations, which include regular trips by espionage ships to Colombo.
All Geopolitics Towards Indian Ocean Region (IOR):
After several decades, Russia has increased its military presence in the Indian Ocean Region (IOR) by docking its warships in Bangladesh and working with Myanmar, a country in Southeast Asia ruled by the military, on their first-ever joint exercise.
India sees the action favorably, particularly in view of China’s growing military presence in the area and its frequent trips to Colombo by espionage ships.
After a five-decade hiatus, Russian Pacific Fleet warships are currently berthed at the port of Chittagong. Even though Russia is one of Myanmar’s main armaments suppliers, joint drills with the country are rare.
In the Andaman Sea, on the northeastern edge of the Indian Ocean, from November 7–9, Moscow organized “the first Russian-Myanmar naval exercise in modern history.” This marked a significant milestone for Russia’s naval presence in a sea that the United States regards as part of its international security domain.
Days after the Russian Pacific Fleet and Myanmar practiced fending off attacks in their first maritime exercise, the Chinese and Pakistani warships also conducted week-long training in the Arabian Sea. Nov. 17 is the last day of the exercise.
The Chinese and Pakistani navy began the exercise in the northern Arabian Sea’s waters and airspace on Saturday at a naval facility in Karachi. The maneuvers included anti-submarine operations.
India has repeatedly stated that it wants Russia to be more present in the Indian Ocean Region (IOR) in order to promote inclusivity in the region and offset China’s geopolitical aspirations, which include regular trips by espionage ships to Colombo.
India has expanded its footprint in the Russian Far East and resurrected the Chennai-Vladivostok maritime connectivity program under the Eastern Maritime Corridor as part of its Act Far East policy. The establishment of a transshipment center in the Bay of Bengal is another project that the two countries are investigating.
Nov. 10 in New Delhi, U.S. Secretary of State Antony Blinken and Defense Secretary Lloyd Austin held defense discussions with their Indian counterparts amidst the drive for greater security relations between China and Pakistan and Russia and Myanmar.
The governments of the United States and India conveyed their profound worry on the conflict in Ukraine in a joint statement following the conclusion of the “2+2 Dialogue,” although they omitted any specific reference to Russia.
They also pledged to defend an unobstructed and open Indo-Pacific region.
New Delhi’s ties to Washington have been progressively strengthening, but it has carefully maintained its traditional contacts with Russia, particularly defense cooperation.
Additionally, China was left out of the joint statement, despite an official from the Indian government having stated before to the discussions that China would be one of the “key focus points.”
The cautious handling of those discussions is in advance of this week’s highly anticipated meeting in San Francisco between Chinese President Xi Jinping and US President Joe Biden, where Washington is predicted to press for the restoration of military-to-military links with Beijing.
Russia is a significant ally and weaponry supplier to Myanmar’s military regime, which was imposed in February 2021 after the army overthrew Aung San Suu Kyi’s democratic administration. In international fora, Russia stands up for Myanmar’s military regime; in exchange, the country’s leading generals generally back Moscow’s foreign policy objectives.
Since the military took over and violently put an end to anti-government protests, which resulted in the deaths of hundreds of civilians and gave rise to an armed resistance movement many Western nations have viewed Myanmar as a pariah state because of its diverse regions.